Consortium News
Exclusive: Suspected arson destroyed the Montreal
home of ex-Israeli intelligence officer Ari Ben-Menashe, who says he
escaped through a rear door. It’s unclear if the fire was an
assassination attempt to finally silence a man who has angered the
Israeli government, powerful Republicans and others, writes Robert
Parry.
By Robert Parry
Ex-Israeli intelligence officer Ari Ben-Menashe says he narrowly
survived a possible assassination attempt Sunday night when his upscale
home in Montreal was set ablaze in what
Canadian authorities are describing as
suspected arson. Police cited how quickly the house was ravaged and
noted that a suspicious person was seen fleeing the scene shortly after
the fire began.
In a phone call with me on Monday, Ben-Menashe said that when he
detected the fire, he alerted a woman staying in the house to flee and
then was able to escape through a back door. But he said everything
inside was destroyed, including his passport, personal papers and his
clothing. “Everything is gone,” Ben-Menashe said.
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Ex-Israeli intelligence officer Ari Ben-Menashe. (Photo from his memoir, Profits of War.) |
Ben-Menashe said he believed the fire was set with “a Molotov
cocktail” but he had no clear idea who might have tried to kill him. He
did acknowledge that he has a number of enemies around the world
resulting from his past as an Israeli intelligence officer and his more
recent work as an international consultant often working in global
hotspots.
Among Ben-Menashe’s enemies are some of his former Israeli superiors
who consider him a traitor for exposing sensitive Israeli secrets and
powerful Republicans, including former President George H.W. Bush whom
Ben-Menashe fingered as involved in national security scandals in the
1980s.
Ben-Menashe, who served in Israeli military intelligence in the 1970s
and 1980s, was arrested in the United States in 1989 for his
involvement in military sales to Iran. He says the Israeli government
then urged him to plead guilty to the U.S. charges, but he refused and
began disclosing Israeli secrets to journalists, including me in early
1990 when I was a correspondent for Newsweek magazine.
At first, the Israeli government denounced Ben-Menashe as an “impostor” but after I obtained official Israeli
letters of reference
describing his decade-long work within the External Relations
Department of the Israel Defence Forces, Israeli officials changed their
story. They labeled him simply “a low-level translator.” But the
letters described Ben-Menashe’s service in “key positions” and said he
handled “complex and sensitive assignments.”
Despite the evidence that Israeli officials had first lied and then
retreated to a new cover story, the Bush administration and the Israeli
government managed to galvanize friendly journalists who went out of
their way to discredit Ben-Menashe as a compulsive liar. [For details
about one of the key denouncers of Ben-Menashe, see Consortiumnews.com’s
“
Unmasking October Surprise ‘Debunker’”.]
However, Ben-Menashe convinced a New York jury that he indeed had
been working on official Israeli business in his transactions with Iran.
He was acquitted in fall 1990. Ben-Menashe also continued to give
interviews and provide testimony about the secret dealings involving
Republicans and the Israeli government.
October Surprise Allegations
Perhaps Ben-Menashe’s most controversial claim was that he and other
Israeli intelligence officers assisted the Republicans in brokering a
deal with Iran’s Islamic regime of Ayatollah Ruhollah Khomeini in 1980
to hold 52 American hostages until after the U.S. election to ensure
President Jimmy Carter’s defeat. As a result of this so-called October
Surprise caper, the hostages were not released until Jan. 20, 1981,
immediately after Ronald Reagan was sworn in as U.S. President,
Ben-Menashe said.
After leveling his October Surprise accusations in 1990-1991 – and
providing investigative journalist Seymour Hersh information about
Israel’s nuclear program for his book
The Samson Option –
Ben-Menashe was essentially a man on the run from both the Israeli
government and the U.S. administration of George H.W. Bush.
Ben-Menashe sought refuge in Australia, arriving in spring 1991,
still carrying his Israeli passport. After obtaining Ben-Menashe’s
Australian immigration records, journalist Marshall Wilson reported that
Ben-Menashe requested what amounted to political asylum.
Dated May 15, 1991,
Ben-Menashe’s 25-page declaration
stated: “My case is an unprecedented case of political persecution by
two governments. It was an attempt by Israel and the United States to
cover up their relations with Iran since 1979.”
Ben-Menashe detailed the curious circumstances of his 1989
arrest while on a private visit to the U.S. and added: “I was not
willing to keep quiet and be discredited by pleading guilty to the bogus
charges. I did not accept my government’s proposal to do so. Any arms
sales to Iran that I was involved in was solely in the capacity of being
an employee of the Israeli government. Everything I did was authorised
by the appropriate authorities in the Israeli and United States
governments.
“Since I did not go along with the program and decided I would
truthfully defend myself in court, I was disowned by the Israeli
Government and will be prosecuted for breaking the Official Secrets Act
if I return. … I will be prosecuted … behind closed doors, ‘for
national security reasons,’ and I will never again see the light of
day.”
But Ben-Menashe said his case had other implications. “As an
aftermath of my [1990] trial a new scandal has broken directly involving
the President of the United States [George H.W. Bush],’’ Ben-Menashe
wrote, “about the President being involved in an arms-for-hostage
release delay deal [with Iran] in 1980. I am a central witness on that
issue.
“Democratic members of the US Congress are going to speak to me about
that and other issues involving US sales of unconventional weapon
systems to Iraq, all connected to the present [George H.W. Bush]
administration of the US,’’ Ben-Menashe told Australian immigration.
“Paradoxically speaking I am now being punished for being acquitted.”
Later in May 1991, Ben-Menashe faced an apparent plan by George H.W.
Bush’s administration to divert him from Los Angeles Airport to Israel
when he was en route to Washington to testify to Congress about his
allegations. If he had been turned over, his fate would likely have been
similar to that of technician Mordechai Vanunu, who disclosed Israel’s
secret nuclear weapons program and then was kidnapped in Rome and
returned to Israel for trial and imprisonment.
A Last-Minute Tip
However, before Ben-Menashe’s flight, I received a tip from a U.S.
intelligence source about the plan and checked with congressional
investigators who were expecting to interview the Israeli. When they
couldn’t get a clear commitment from the Bush administration about
Ben-Menashe’s safe passage, I called him in Australia as he was about to
leave for the Sydney airport.
I suggested that he delay his flight, which he did. Later, I was
informed by congressional investigators that they finally had extracted
assurances from the Bush administration that Ben-Menashe would be
allowed to proceed to Washington and he rescheduled his flight. Though
he was not diverted to Israel, he was taken aside by U.S. authorities in
Los Angeles and subjected to some harsh questioning.
That evening, I picked Ben-Menashe up at Dulles Airport and was
surprised how shaken he was. I drove him to my home in Arlington,
Virginia, and he asked if he could spend the night in my guest room,
thinking that he was under surveillance and fearing for his life. With
some hesitation, I consented.
Months later, when pro-Israeli journalists escalated their character
assassination of Ben-Menashe, one New Republic writer Steven Emerson
criticized my ethics for allowing Ben-Menashe to stay over in my house,
which struck me as a curious accusation not only because there is no
such ethical standard but because the fact had never been made public.
The reference led me to believe that Ben-Menashe had not been paranoid
when he worried about being under surveillance or for his safety.
Although substantial evidence has emerged to support Ben-Menashe’s
claims, Republicans and the Israeli government continued to deny the
October Surprise story and U.S. congressional investigations in the
early 1990s confronted a stonewall of Republican obstruction.
Ultimately, the investigations concluded that solid evidence of a GOP
conspiracy was lacking. [For the latest details on this controversy, see
Robert Parry’s new book,
America’s Stolen Narrative.]
A Life of Intrigue
When published in 1992, Ben-Menashe’s memoir,
Profits of War, provided further details about the cloak-and-dagger operations conducted by U.S. and Israeli intelligence.
A Jew who was born in Iran and who emigrated to Israel as a teenager,
Ben-Menashe explained how his background proved valuable to Israeli
intelligence after the Shah of Iran, a close Israeli ally, was
overthrown in 1979. As Israel tried to rebuild some relationship with
Iran, Ben-Menashe was able to reconnect with some of his friends from
his youth who were rising inside the new revolutionary government.
Ben-Menashe said those contacts led him into a role as an
intermediary on military sales to Iran during the U.S.-Iranian hostage
crisis in 1980 and placed him near the decision by Prime Minister
Menachem Begin to throw in Israel’s lot with Republican Ronald Reagan in
his campaign to unseat President Jimmy Carter. Over the next several
years, Ben-Menashe remained a key middleman in the arms transactions
that were crucial to Iran in its long war with Iraq.
Yet, by the early 1990s, after his arrest and acquittal, Ben-Menashe
had become a man without a country. On Oct. 23, 1991, he was informed
that his refugee application in Australia had failed. A departmental
officer declared that “there appears to have been ample opportunity for
one government or another [the U.S. or Israel] to have taken action
against Mr Ben-Menashe if his political importance made him of real
interest to them.” [See
here and
here.]
Ben-Menashe appealed the finding, but on Dec. 12, 1991, the Refugee
Status Review Committee confirmed the adverse ruling. A letter signed by
its Chairman said in part: “The applicant’s fear of the consequences of
breaking Israeli law does not warrant international protection. … The
applicant has, therefore, not established a well-founded fear of
persecution were he to return to Israel.’’ [See
here,
here,
here and
here.]
However, the decision was not unanimous, as Austrialian journalist
Marshall Wilson reported. One member of the panel added, “I request a
meeting to discuss aspects of this case, particularly the matters of
what constitutes persecution given this extraordinary mix of
international conspiracies and intrigue and the laws under which the
applicant could be charged should he return to Israel.
“I believe the applicant has been an intelligence operative of the
Israeli Government and has been involved in various arms deals. The
American use of Israel to sell arms to Iran during the Iran-Iraq War is
attested to by a number of sources. The delay in the release of the
American hostages also is now widely accepted as true.’’
In the end Ben-Menashe left Australia of his own free will without
further resort to the courts. He eventually settled in Canada, married a
Canadian woman, received citizenship and built a new life as an
international consultant.
Ben-Menashe stood by his sworn testimony about the October Surprise
machinations and other allegations, but his credibility continued to
come under assault. It didn’t seem to matter even when some Israeli
officials confirmed that Ben-Menashe, indeed, had been involved in
important clandestine operations for Israel.
For instance, American journalist Craig Unger was told by a senior
intelligence official, Moshe Hebroni, that “Ben-Menashe served directly
under me. … He had access to very, very sensitive material.” [
Village Voice,
July 7, 1992] In the Israeli daily, Davar, reporter Pazit Ravina wrote,
“in talks with people who worked with Ben-Menashe, the claim that he
had access to highly sensitive intelligence information was confirmed
again and again.”
Now, in investigating the mysterious fire that could have killed
Ben-Menashe — and that succeeded in destroying many of his personal
papers – the authorities in Canada may have to determine if the fire
resulted from some new enemy or an enemy from
Ben-Menashe’s past, someone who preferred that the former Israeli spy
finally be silenced.
Investigative reporter Robert Parry broke many of the
Iran-Contra stories for The Associated Press and Newsweek in the 1980s.
You can buy his new book, America’s Stolen Narrative, either in print here or as an e-book (from Amazon and barnesandnoble.com).